Author Archives: Paul Seeman

And, 46 Years….

From the Baton Rouge Advocate:  A state district court judge has overturned Wilbert Jones’ 1974 conviction in the abduction and rape of a Baton Rouge nurse, saying “highly favorable” evidence was withheld from the defense.

Jones, now 64, was found guilty in the Oct. 2, 1971, rape of a young Baton Rouge General Medical Center nurse who was abducted from the hospital parking lot. As the appellate judge noted, the case against Jones was “weak, at best.” The state’s entire case rested entirely on the nurse’s testimony, and questionable identification of Jones that came more than three months after her rape. The victim “admittedly was not certain about her identification of Jones, and she even expressed doubts to officers regarding the identification,” Anderson said.

At the same time, in 1971, police and prosecutors were aware of another young woman kidnapped a few days later, Oct. 29, 1971, from the parking lot of another nearby medical facility, Our Lady of the Lake Regional Medical, and also raped. The court said that the “strong similarities” between the two rapes are “almost too numerous to list.” He also stated that the nurse’s physical description of her attacker is “an almost identical match” to Arnold Ray O’Conner, who was convicted of armed robbery in a September 1973 home-invasion rape near Baton Rouge General. O’Conner’s fingerprints were found on the car of the woman kidnapped from the Our Lady of the Lake parking lot and raped, but Anderson said he was arrested but never charged in that incident. The prosecution was clearly obligated to turn over information about the second rape to Jones’ trial attorneys but failed to do so, and the court found that “there is a reasonable probability that, had the information been disclosed to competent counsel, the result of the proceeding would have been different.”

 

Is 46 years in prison on this record enough for the prosecution? Apparently not. The East Baton Rouge Parish District Attorney’s Office said they will ask the Louisiana Supreme Court to review the ruling in Jones’ case.

25 Years in Prison….

From the Washington Post:

“Three U.S. servicemen who have been in prison for 25 years for a racially-motivated murder are entitled to a new trial because prosecutors improperly withheld evidence that would have helped the men’s defense, Georgia’s highest court ruled Thursday.

Stanley Jackson, a black man, was fatally shot around 10 p.m. on Jan. 31, 1992, while standing on a corner in a high-crime part of Savannah. Three white servicemen stationed at nearby Fort Stewart — Mark Jason Jones, Kenneth Eric Gardiner and Dominic Brian Lucci — were arrested less than an hour later and charged with murder.

State prosecutors failed to disclose a police report that described a similar racially-motivated incident later that night after they were in custody, Georgia Supreme Court Chief Justice P. Harris Hines wrote in a unanimous opinion…

After police records were released in response to a 2010 open records request, the three men challenged their conviction on constitutional grounds. The records showed that prosecutors had failed to give the defense a police report describing an incident about three hours after the men were arrested in which a witness said white men with military style haircuts and semi-automatic weapons drove through a public housing project threatening “to shoot blacks who hung out on street corners.”

In addition to the undisclosed similar incident, the police records also revealed that an eyewitness who had identified two of the three men at trial had told officers before trial that he could not identify the shooters, and that he had been pressured into testifying at trial that he could identify them.

State attorney general’s office spokeswoman Katelyn McCreary said in an email that the office is reviewing the opinion and had no further comment.

Criminal Justice Reform Passes Massachusetts Senate

The Massachusetts Senate Friday passed an historic set of criminal justice reforms, including repeal of mandatory-minimum sentences for several drug crimes, legalization of sex between young teens close in age, and raising the age of criminal responsibility to 19, the highest in the nation.  Reforms still require approval by the House of Representatives, and there is still a great deal of opposition – primarily from law enforcement officials – who hope the House of Representatives proposes a more prosecutor-friendly bill.

Massachusetts has already been a leader in combating over-criminalization and mass incarceration. In 2015, Massachusetts had the second-lowest imprisonment rate, with 179 sentenced prisoners for every 100,000 people, according to the federal Bureau of Justice Statistics. Nationally, 458 prisoners were sentenced to more than one year in state or federal prison per 100,000 US residents.

With the opioid crisis as a back-drop, the legislation also included a few tougher provisions, including heavier penalties for crimes such as trafficking fentanyl.

Restoration of Rights: Virginia and NJ

Restoration of voting rights has been an issue in the governor’s race in Virginia,  one of four states where a person loses the franchise entirely after they are convicted of a felony-level offense. Current governor Terry McAuliffe tried to use his pardon power to restore the rights of 200,000 Virginians in one blow. Republican lawmakers successfully challenged the en masse order in court, so the governor began signing the orders individually, totaling more than 168,000 to date. Republican candidate Ed Gillespie has started running TV ads challenging this policy. Of note is that while Gillespie challenges the “automatic” restoration of rights, he appears to endorse at least a process for restoration:

“Virginians who have paid their debt to society and are living an honest life should have their rights restored. But Ralph Northam’s policy of automatic restoration of rights for unrepentant, unreformed, violent criminals is wrong.”

Meanwhile, in New Jersey, the issue of voting rights restoration is also in the public eye, witness this recent editorial in the New Jersey Star-Ledger: “Why N.J. must restore voting rights to those in prison, parole, probation”

Collateral Consequences, cont.

The Collateral Consequences Resource Center has published two new guides to collateral consequence issues in criminal justice: a 50-state overview of the subject, “Forgiving and Forgetting in American Justice – A 50 State Guide To Expungement and Restoration of Rights”; and a California specific guide, “California Compilation of Collateral Consequences”. The California guide is a useful tool for anyone involved in the criminal justice system, a searchable online database of the restrictions and disqualifications imposed by California statutes and regulations because of an individual’s criminal record.

CCRC has previously published similar guides on federal laws and rules, and of two other state systems (Wisconsin and Vermont), all built on the National Inventory of the Collateral Consequences of Conviction (NICCC), originally compiled by the ABA and now maintained by the Council of State Governments. The CCRC databases are streamlined and reorganized to allow more precise searches of the specific activities and rights affected by various consequences and make it possible to explore the relationship between consequences and their implementing regulations. They also add a set of searchable “Keywords” that allow users to accurately zero in on areas of interest with much more precision than previous versions.

 

“The Growth, Scope, and Spatial Distribution of People With Felony Records in the United States, 1948–2010”

That is the title of a new article in “Demography” magazine from the Population Association of America and lead author Sarah Shannon, a sociologist from the University of Georgia. The abstract: 

“The steep rise in U.S. criminal punishment in recent decades has spurred scholarship on the collateral consequences of imprisonment for individuals, families, and communities. Several excellent studies have estimated the number of people who have been incarcerated and the collateral consequences they face, but far less is known about the size and scope of the total U.S. population with felony convictions beyond prison walls, including those who serve their sentences on probation or in jail. This article develops state-level estimates based on demographic life tables and extends previous national estimates of the number of people with felony convictions to 2010. We estimate that 3 % of the total U.S. adult population and 15 % of the African American adult male population has ever been to prison; people with felony convictions account for 8 % of all adults and 33 % of the African American adult male population. We discuss the far-reaching consequences of the spatial concentration and immense growth of these groups since 1980.”

As The Crime Report notes in their own synopsis of the article, the critical figure is the staggering percentages of people with felony convictions – almost 1 in 10 people in the US has a felony record – regardless of whether they have been to prison or not: “… as criminal justice reform targets mass incarceration… ‘many of the collateral consequences of punishment—most notably for the labor market, housing, and access to public supports—flow not from incarceration experiences but from the application of a widely known and publicly disseminated felony label.'”

Prosecutorial Accountability in the Supreme Court

This blog post  from the website prosecutorialaccountabilityt.com looks at two pending petitions in the Supreme Court that look at issues around prosecutorial accountability, Woods v. Smith and Stein v. United States.

Woods is an innocence case. After his first trial ended in a mistrial because the jury could not reach a verdict, Mr. Woods was convicted at the second trial for the 2003 murder of Eric Harris. His petition presents two questions. The first involves an evidentiary question and the Confrontation Clause. The second question, the one of particular interest here, is:

In Banks v. Dretke, 540 U.S. 668 (2004), this Court repudiated a requirement that defendants must show prior diligence when asserting a claim under Brady v. Maryland, 373 U.S. 83 (1963): “A rule thus declaring ‘prosecutor may hide, defendant must seek,’ is not tenable in a system constitutionally bound to accord defendants due process.” Banks, 540 U.S. at 696. But the circuits are divided on whether this principle applies in habeas cases, with some courts—including the Sixth Circuit below—upholding state court rulings imposing so-called “due diligence” requirements. The second question presented is: Whether the Sixth Circuit erroneously upheld the state court’s unreasonable application of this Court’s Brady jurisprudence and, in doing so, exacerbated a circuit split over whether there is a defendant due diligence requirement for Brady claims on habeas review.

The Brady analysis traditionally asks three (somewhat) straightforward questions. They are: (1) Is the evidence favorable to the defendant either because it is exculpatory or impeachment material?; (2) Did the State suppress the evidence?; and (3) Would disclosure of the evidence have created a reasonable probability of a different verdict? If the answer to all of these questions is ‘yes,’ then the defendant is entitled to a new trial. If the answer to any one of them is ‘no,’ then the court will affirm the conviction and sentence. Yet, the federal Sixth Circuit layered on an additional inquiry. It asked whether the defendant’s trial team could have discovered the suppressed evidence through the exercise of due diligence. That question fundamentally changes the Brady analysis, and Mr. Woods’s petition asks whether a due diligence requirement is appropriate in the habeas context.

The Brady information at issue in Woods relates to the death of a key witness. At trial, as the Sixth Circuit acknowledged, “the prosecutor strongly, and inaccurately, implied” that the defendant was involved in the killing of Chavez Johnson, the key eyewitness to Harris murder. In post-conviction proceedings, Mr. Woods’s team discovered “the results of a police investigation indicating that Woods was not responsible for the death of a key witness—contrary to the strong implications of the prosecution at trial.” This evidence is at the heart of the petition. (It’s worth noting that this is another case in which a great deal of exculpatory evidence was suppressed. Footnote 2 of the petition highlights four categories of evidence the State failed to disclose, including open warrants against a key witness and evidence that someone else had stabbed the victim just days before the murder.)

According to the Sixth Circuit, which invoked the state court’s decision, the prosecution’s failure to disclose that law enforcement had effectively determined Mr. Woods was not responsible for killing a key State witness was not sufficient to establish suppression because the defense could have called the detective to the stand and cross-examined him about Johnson’s unrelated murder. Thus, the court found that the defense’s opportunity to learn this information through “reasonable diligence” alleviated the State of its duty to disclose what was undoubtedly evidence favorable to the defendant. This bizarre “due diligence” rule—made up by the courts and utilized in some other circuits—ignores what Brady requires. As the petition points out, “[i]n essence, the Sixth Circuit’s rule would reward the prosecutor who is especially good at hiding evidence, and manages to hide it beyond the direct appeal.”

 

The second case, Stein v. United States, is a white-collar criminal case involving perjured testimony “known to be such by the prosecuting attorney.” From the petition:

“This Court has repeatedly reaffirmed ‘that a conviction secured by the use of perjured testimony known to be such by the prosecuting attorney, is a denial of due process.’ White v. Rogen, 324 U.S. 760, 764 (1945). ‘The same result obtains when the State although not soliciting false evidence, allows it to go uncorrected when it appears.’ Napue v. Illinois, 360 U.S. 264, 269 (1959). When the prosecutor fails to fulfill his ‘duty to correct what he knows to be false and elicit the trust,’ he  ‘prevent[s] . . . a trial that could in any real sense be termed fair.’ Id. at 270. The Eleventh Circuit here accepted that the government knowingly used false, material testimony to convict Mitchell Stein. The court nevertheless held that Stein received all the process he was due because the government did not suppress the evidence that proved its witnesses were, in fact, lying under oath. The question presented is: Whether the Due Process Clause excuses the government’s knowing use of false testimony where the government does not also suppress evidence indicating that the testimony was false.”

If the Eleventh Circuit’s opinion seems unfounded, you are reading the question above correctly. Nevertheless, like the contrived “due diligence” requirement several courts have embraced in the Brady context, it appears that a number of courts have also decided that the knowing presentation of perjury is not enough to require a new trial under Napue and Giglio. As the Eleventh Circuit put it below, “because Giglio error is a type of Brady violation, the defendant generally must identify evidence the government withheld that would have revealed the falsity of the testimony.” Even experienced defense attorneys who have seen a lot of judicial jujitsu may find this holding to be a head-scratcher. But, there it is. The petition characterizes its logic, or lack thereof, well:

“Although the Eleventh Circuit accepted that the government knowingly used false testimony to convict Mitchell Stein and send him to prison for 17 years, the court nonetheless held that there was no due process violation because the government did not also commit an independent constitutional violation by suppressing evidence proving that its witnesses were lying. While two wrongs do not make a right, in the Eleventh Circuit, in the absence of two wrongs (i.e., a Brady violation and a Giglio violation), there is no wrong at all.”

California Expands “Ban The Box”

The California legislature has approved a bill that would dramatically expand protections for people with a criminal record under the state’s Fair Employment and Housing Act (FEHA).  AB 1008 provides that non-conviction records may not be considered at all in any employment decision by a covered employer (one with more than five employees), and makes violation of this an unfair employment practice under FEHA.  Non-conviction records include records of convictions that have been dismissed pursuant to California’s set-aside law, and convictions that have been sealed or expunged.

The new law makes it an unfair employment practice to ask about an applicant’s conviction record before a conditional offer of employment, and requires an employer who intends to deny employment solely or in part because of the applicant’s conviction history to make an individualized assessment of whether this has “a direct and adverse relationship with the specific duties of the job.”  In making that individualized assessment, the employer must take into account (i) The nature and gravity of the offense or conduct; (ii) The time that has passed since the offense or conduct and completion of the sentence; and (iii)The nature of the job held or sought.

The bill still has to be signed by Governor Brown, but when that happens California will become the fourth state in the country, after New York, Wisconsin, and Hawaii, to extend the full protections of its fair employment law to individuals with a criminal record.

6 Million Lost Voters

The Sentencing Project has published a new study, “6 Million Lost Voters: State-Level Estimates of Felony Disenfranchisement, 2016” by Christopher Uggen, Ryan Larson, and Sarah Shannon. Their key findings:

  • As of 2016, an estimated 6.1 million people are disenfran-chised due to a felony conviction, a dramatic escalation from 1.17 million people disenfranchised in 1976, and 3.34 million in 1996.
  • Approximately 2.5 percent of the total U.S. voting age population – 1 of every 40 adults – is disenfranchised due to a current or previous felony conviction.
  • Individuals who have completed their sentences in the twelve states that disenfranchise people post-sentence make up over 50 percent of the entire disenfranchised population, totaling almost 3.1 million people.
  • Rates of disenfranchisement vary dramatically by state due to broad variations in voting prohibitions. In six states – Alabama, Florida, Kentucky, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Virginia – more than 7 percent of the adult population is disenfranchised.
  • Florida alone accounts for more than a quarter (27 percent) of the disenfranchised population nationally, and its nearly 1.5 million individuals disenfranchised post-sentence account for nearly half (48 percent) of the national total.
  • One in 13 African Americans of voting age is disenfranchised, a rate more than four times greater than that of non-African Americans. Over 7.4 percent of the adult African American population is disenfranchised compared to 1.8 percent of the non-African American population.
  • African American disenfranchisement rates also vary significantly by state. In four states – Florida (21 percent), Kentucky (26 percent), Tennessee (21 percent), and Virginia (22 percent) – more than one in five African Americans is disenfranchised.

“What Is To Be Done?”

In a recent law review article, Why Prosecutors Rule the Criminal Justice System—And What Can Be Done About It, 111 Nw. U. L. Rev. 1429 (2017), Judge Rakoff discusses the history of prosecutorial power, plea-bargaining, and mass incarceration, and reviews some of the possible solutions. The short version:

  • Repeal mandatory minimum and career offender laws (something the federal judiciary has requested for several decades) and a reduction in the sentences “recommended” by sentencing guidelines.
  • Do away with plea bargaining altogether? This, in fact, is the status quo in many European countries. In Germany, for example, where plea bargains are officially not recognized, roughly 50% of all criminal cases go to trial, and most of the remaining cases are resolved through de facto pleas to the initial charges.
  • Promulgate binding regulations, similar to those enacted by administrative agencies, that would govern plea bargaining
  • A voluntary version of the same basic proposal, that prosecutorial agencies, state and federal, each adopt some internal guidelines that, while not enforceable by outside parties, would nevertheless bring some order to prosecutors’ exercise of discretion in the plea bargaining process.
  • A variation on what is sometimes referred to as a “preliminary hearing.” where the prosecutor and defense counsel would be required to appear shortly after indictment before a judicial officer, who would separately question them, in camera and under seal, as to what their evidence was, what discovery they would likely have, and what disposition they were seeking. The judicial officer, without revealing any of this information to the other side or to the judge who would be assigned to the case for all other purposes, would then recommend to the parties what leads still needed to be explored, what disclosures needed to be made, and, where appropriate, what the judicial officer thought would be a fair disposition of the case. In other words, the judicial officer would, in effect, oversee the plea bargaining process and, while not having the power to force either side to his view, could use her persuasive powers to assure a fairer, more neutral process. (This is Rakoff’s own proposal – a variation is currently in practice in the Connecticut).
  • Have prosecutors occasionally serve as defense counsel